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this is a movement of considerable extent

  • 1 extent

    -t
    1) (the area or length to which something extends: The bird's wings measured 20 centimetres at their fullest extent; The garden is nearly a kilometre in extent; A vast extent of grassland.) størrelse, areal, omfang, utstrekning
    2) (amount; degree: What is the extent of the damage?; To what extent can we trust him?) omfang, grad, rekkevidde, utstrekning
    •
    omfang
    --------
    størrelse
    --------
    utstrekning
    subst. \/ɪkˈstent\/, \/ekˈstent\/
    1) ( også overført) utstrekning, omfang, vidde, grad, størrelse
    2) strekning, overflate, areal, område
    3) (jus, historisk) vurdering (av jordeiendom), utlegg
    to a great extent i stor utstrekning, i høy grad, for en stor del
    to some extent til en viss grad, i noen grad
    to such an extent that i en slik grad at
    to the extent of opp til, til et beløp av
    to the extent that i den grad at
    to the full extent i full utstrekning
    så mye han klarer\/makter
    to what extent i hvilken grad, i hvor høy grad

    English-Norwegian dictionary > extent

  • 2 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 3 ἐπί

    ἐπί prep. w. gen., dat., or acc.; s. the lit. on ἀνά, beg. (Hom.+). The basic idea is ‘upon’ (opp. ὑπό) Kühner-G. I 495; s. also Rob 600–605. (In the foll. classifications case use is presented seriatim; in earlier editions of this lexicon all sections, except 13, 17, and 18 [of time], were included under the general rubric ‘Place’.)
    ① marker of location or surface, answering the question ‘where?’ on, upon, near
    ⓐ w. gen., marking a position on a surface ἐ. (τῆς) γῆς on (the) earth (cp. En 9:1; 98:1; ἐ. γῆς 25:6; PsSol 17:2) Mt 6:10, 19; 9:6; 23:9; Mk 6:47 al. (Ar. 12, 1; Just., A I, 54, 7 al.). ἐ. τῆς θαλάσσης on the sea (cp. Job 9:8; Dio Chrys. 10 [11], 129 βαδίζειν ἐ. τῆς θαλ.; Lucian, Philops. 13 βαδίζειν ἐφʼ ὕδατος, VH 2, 4; Artem. 3, 16 ἐ. τ. θαλάσσης περιπατεῖν; schol. on Nicander, Ther. 15 p. 5, 26ff relying on the testimony of Hesiod: Orion was given a gift [δωρεά] by the gods καὶ ἐ. κυμάτων πορεύεσθαι καὶ ἐ. τῆς γῆς) Mt 14:26; Mk 6:48f; J 6:19 (w. acc. P75; s. 4bβ below). ἐ. τῶν νεφελῶν on the clouds Mt 24:30; 26:64 (Da 7:13; cp. Philo, Praem. 8). ἐ. κλίνης 9:2; Lk 17:34. ἐ. τοῦ δώματος on the roof vs. 31; Mt 24:17; 10:27 foll. by pl. W. verbs: κάθημαι ἐ. τινος sit on someth. (Job 2:8; ἐ. τοῦ ἅρματος GrBar 6:2; cp. JosAs 27:1 ἐ. τοῦ ὀχήματος καθεζόμενος; Just., D. 90, 5 ἐ. λίθου καθεζόμενος) Mt 24:3; 27:19; Ac 8:28; Rv 6:16; 9:17 (the same prep. used in Rv w. κάθημαι and dat. s. bα below, and w. acc. cα). ἑστηκέναι ἐ. τινος stand on someth. Ac 21:40; Rv 10:5, 8 (Just., D. 86, 2 ἐστηρίχθαι). With parts of the body: ἐ. χειρῶν αἴρειν carry on (i.e. in/with) their hands Mt 4:6; Lk 4:11 (both Ps 90:12). ἐ. κεφαλῆς on the head (Hdt. 5, 12, 4) J 20:7; 1 Cor 11:10; Rv 12:1. ἐ. τοῦ μετώπου Rv 7:3; 9:4. ἐ. γυμνοῦ on the naked body Mk 14:51. Cp. use of ἐπί w. καθίζω and gen., and ἐπί w. κάθημαι and acc. Mt 19:28.—In a gener. and fig. sense Ac 21:23.
    ⓑ w. dat., gener. suggesting contiguity on, in, above.
    α. answering the question ‘where?’ (Hom. et al.; ins, pap, LXX; Just., D. 105, 5 ἐ. τῷ σταυρῷ; Tat., 9:1 ἐ. τοῖς ὄρεσι; Ath. 20, 1 ἐ. τῷ μετώπῳ; Mel., P. 19, 131 ἐ. σάκκῳ καὶ σποδῷ) ἐ. πίνακι on a platter Mt 14:8, 11; Mk 6:25, 28. ἀνακλῖναι ἐ. τῷ χλωρῷ χόρτῳ on the green grass 6:39. ἐ. τοῖς κραβάττοις vs. 55. ἐπέκειτο ἐπʼ αὐτῷ lay on it (or before it) J 11:38. καθήμενος ἐ. τῷ θρόνῳ Rv 4:9 (cp. gen. w. καθ. 1a above, and acc. cα below) 5:13; 7:10 and oft. ἐφʼ ἵπποις λευκοῖς on white horses 19:14. ἐ. σανίσιν on planks Ac 27:44. ἐ. τῇ στοᾷ in the colonnade 3:11. τὰ ἐ. τοῖς οὐρανοῖς what is above (or in) the heavens Eph 1:10. ἐπʼ αὐτῷ above him, at his head Lk 23:38 (=Mt 27:37 ἐπάνω τ. κεφαλῆς αὐτοῦ).
    β. answering the question ‘whither?’ on, upon (Hom. et al.) w. verbs that indicate a direction: οἰκοδομεῖν ἐ. τινι build upon someth. Mt 16:18. ἐποικοδομεῖν Eph 2:20. ἐπιβάλλειν ἐπίβλημα ἐ. ἱματίῳ παλαιῷ put a patch on an old garment Mt 9:16. ἐπιπίπτειν ἐ. τινι Ac 8:16. ἐκάθισεν ἐ. τῷ θρόνῳ he sat down on the throne GJs 11:1. λίθον ἐπʼ αὐτῇ βαλέτω J 8:7 v.l. (cp. 12a below).
    ⓒ w. acc., answering the question ‘where?’ (Hom. et al.; LXX; JosAs 29:2 φορῶν ἐ. τὸν μηρὸν αὐτοῦ ῥομφαίαν; Just., D. 53, 1 ζυγὸν ἐ. αὐχένα μὴ ἔχων)
    α. on, over someth. καθεύδειν ἐ. τι sleep on someth. Mk 4:38. καθῆσθαι ἐ. τι sit on someth. Mt 19:28 (in the same vs. καθίζω w. gen., s. a above) J 12:15; Rv 4:4; 6:2; 11:16 al.; cp. Lk 21:35b; κεῖσθαι ἐ. τι lie upon someth. 2 Cor 3:15. κατακεῖσθαι Lk 5:25. ἑστηκέναι ἐ. τὸν αἰγιαλόν stand on the shore Mt 13:2; cp. Rv 14:1. ἑστῶτας ἐ. τὴν θάλασσαν standing beside the sea 15:2. ἔστη ἐ. τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ παιδίου (the star) remained stationary over the head of the child GJs 21:3. σκηνοῦν ἐ. τινα spread a tent over someone Rv 7:15. ἐ. τὴν δεξιάν at the right hand 5:1. λίθος ἐ. λίθον stone upon stone Mt 24:2.
    β. ἐ. τὸ αὐτό at the same place, together (Ps.-X., Respublica Athen. [The Old Oligarch] 2, 2; Pla., Rep. 329a; SIG 736, 66 [92 B.C.]. In pap=‘in all’: PTebt 14, 20 [114 B.C.]; PFay 102, 6.—2 Km 2:13; En 100:2) εἶναι ἐ. τὸ αὐτό be together Lk 17:35; Ac 1:15; 2:1, 44. In 1 Cor 7:5 it is a euphemistic expr. for sexual union. κατοικεῖν ἐ. τὸ αὐτό live in the same place (Dt 25:5) Hm 5, 1, 4. Also w. verbs of motion (Sus 14 Theod.) συνέρχεσθαι ἐ. τὸ αὐτό come together to the same place 1 Cor 11:20; 14:23; cp. B 4:10 (Just., A I, 67, 3 συνέλευσις γίνεται). συνάγεσθαι (Phlegon of Tralles [Hadr.]: 257 Fgm. 36 III 9 Jac.; PsSol 2:2; TestJob 28:5 Jos., Bell. 2, 346) Mt 22:34; Ac 4:26 (Ps 2:2); 1 Cl 34:7. ἐ. τὸ αὐτὸ μίγνυσθαι be mixed together Hm 10, 3, 3. προσετίθει ἐ. τὸ αὐτό added to their number Ac 2:47.
    γ. at, by, near someone or someth. καθῆσθαι ἐ. τὸ τελώνιον sit at the tax-office Mt 9:9 (ἐ. τὰς ὡραίας πύλας GrBar prol. 2); Mk 2:14. ἑστηκέναι ἐ. τὴν θύραν stand at the door Rv 3:20. σὺ ἔστης ἐ. τὸ θυσιαστήριον you are standing (ἕστηκας deStrycker) as priest at the altar GJs 8:2. ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς among you 2 Th 1:10; cp. Ac 1:21.—Of pers., over whom someth. is done ὀνομάζειν τὸ ὄνομα Ἰησοῦ ἐ. τινα speak the name of Jesus over someone Ac 19:13. ἐπικαλεῖν τὸ ὄνομά τινος ἐ. τινα=to claim someone for one’s own (Jer 14:9; 2 Ch 7:14; 2 Macc 8:15) Ac 15:17 (Am 9:12); Js 2:7; Hs 8, 6, 4. προσεύχεσθαι ἐ. τινα pray over someone Js 5:14.
    ② marker of presence or occurrence near an object or area, at, near
    ⓐ w. gen., of immediate proximity to things at, near (Hdt. 7, 115; X., An. 4, 3, 28 al.; LXX, Just.) ἐ. τ. θυρῶν at the gates (Plut., C. Gracch. 841 [14, 3]; PRyl 127, 8f [29 A.D.] κοιμωμένου μου ἐ. τῆς θύρας; 1 Macc 1:55; Just., D. 111, 4) Ac 5:23 (s. b below for dat. in 5:9). ἐ. τῆς θαλάσσης near the sea (Polyb. 1, 44, 4; Ex 14:2; Dt 1:40; 1 Macc 14:34) J 21:1. ἐ. τῆς ὁδοῦ by the road Mt 21:19. ἐσθίειν ἐ. τῆς πραπέζης τινός eat at someone’s table Lk 22:30 (cp. POxy 99, 14 [55 A.D.] τράπεζα, ἐφʼ ἧς Σαραπίων καὶ μέτοχοι; Da 11:27 LXX ἐ. μιᾶς τραπέζης). ἐ. τοῦ (τῆς) βάτου at the thornbush = in the passage about the thornbush (i.e. Ex 3:1ff) Mk 12:26; Lk 20:37.
    ⓑ with dat., of immediate proximity at, near by (Hom.+) ἦν ἔτι ἐ. τῷ τόπῳ ὅπου was still at the place, where J 11:30 v.l. (for ἐν; cp. Just., D. 402). ἐ. τῇ θύρᾳ (ἐ. θύραις) at the door (Hom. et al.; Wsd 19:17; Jos., Ant. 17, 90; Just., D. 32, 3) Mt 24:33; Mk 13:29; Ac 5:9 (s. a above). ἐ. τοῖς πυλῶσιν Rv 21:12. ἐ. τῇ πηγῇ J 4:6 (Jos., Ant. 5, 58 ἐ. τινι πηγῇ; Just., A I, 64, 1 ἐ. ταῖς … πηγαῖς). ἐ. τῇ προβατικῇ (sc. πύλῃ) near the sheepgate 5:2; cp. Ac 3:10. ἐ. τῷ ποταμῷ near the river (since Il. 7, 133; Jos., Ant. 4, 176 ἐ. τ. Ἰορδάνῳ) Rv 9:14.—Of pers. (Diod S 14, 113, 6; Just., A I, 40, 7) ἐφʼ ὑμῖν among you 2 Cor 7:7; cp. Ac 28:14 v.l.
    ③ marker of involvement in an official proceeding, before, w. gen., of pers., esp. in the language of lawsuits (Pla., Leg. 12, 943d; Isaeus 5, 1 al.; UPZ 71, 15; 16 [152 B.C.]; POxy 38, 11; Mitt-Wilck. I/2, 382, 23=BGU 909, 23; Jos., Vi. 258; Just., A II, 1, 1 ἐ. Οὐρβίκου). ἐ. τοῦ ἡγεμόνος in the governor’s presence Mt 28:14. ἐ. ἡγεμόνων καὶ βασιλέων Mk 13:9. ἐ. σου before you (the procurator) Ac 23:30. ἐ. Τερτούλλου Phlm subscr. v.l.; στάντος μου ἐ. τοῦ συνεδρίου Ac 24:20 (cp. Diod S 11, 55, 4 ἐ. τοῦ κοινοῦ συνεδρίου τ. Ἑλλήνων). γυναικὸς … διαβληθείσης ἐ. τοῦ κυρίου Papias (2:17). κρίνεσθαι ἐ. τῶν ἀδίκων go to law before the unrighteous 1 Cor 6:1. κριθήσεται ἐφʼ ὑμῶν before your tribunal D 11:11. μαρτυρεῖν ἐ. Ποντίου Πιλάτου testify before Pontius Pilate 1 Ti 6:13 (s. μαρτυρέω 1c). ἐ. τοῦ βήματος (POxy 37 I, 3 [49 A.D.]) ἑστὼς ἐ. τοῦ βήματος Καίσαρός εἰμι I am standing before Caesar’s tribunal Ac 25:10 (Appian says Prooem. c. 15 §62 of himself: δίκαις ἐν Ῥώμῃ συναγορεύσας ἐ. τῶν βασιλέων=I acted as attorney in lawsuits in Rome before the emperors).—Gener. in someone’s presence (Appian, Syr. 61 §324 ἐφʼ ὑμῶν=in your presence) ἐ. Τίτου before Titus 2 Cor 7:14. Cp.10 below.
    ④ marker of movement to or contact w. a goal, toward, in direction of, on
    ⓐ w. gen., marking contact with the goal that is reached, answering the question ‘whither?’ toward, on, at w. verbs of motion (Appian, Iber. 98 §427 ἀπέπλευσεν ἐπʼ οἴκου=he sailed [toward] home; PGM 4, 2468f ἀναβὰς ἐ. δώματος; JosAs 27:1 ἀνέδραμε … ἐ. πέτρας; Jos., Ant. 4, 91 ἔφευγον ἐ. τ. πόλεων; Tat. 33:3 Εὐρώπην ἐ. τοῦ ταύρου καθιδρύσαντος) βάλλειν τὸν σπόρον ἐ. τῆς γῆς Mk 4:26; also σπείρειν vs. 31. πίπτειν (Wsd 18:23; TestAbr A 3 p. 80, 11 [Stone p. 8]; JosAs 9:1) 9:20; 14:35. καθιέναι Ac 10:11. τιθέναι (Sir 17:4) Lk 8:16; J 19:19; Ac 5:15. ἔρχεσθαι Hb 6:7; Rv 3:10; γίνεσθαι ἐ. reach, be at J 6:21. γενόμενος ἐ. τοῦ τόπου when he reached the place Lk 22:40. καθίζειν take one’s seat ἐ. θρόνου (JosAs 7:1 al.) Mt 19:28 (s. 1a end); 23:2; 25:31; J 19:13 (ἐ. βήματος of Pilate as Jos., Bell. 2, 172; of Jesus Just., A I, 35, 6). κρεμαννύναι ἐ. ξύλου hang on a tree (i.e. cross) (Gen 40:19; cp. Just., D. 86, 6 σταυρωθῆναι ἐ. τοῦ ξύλου) Ac 5:30; 10:39; cp. Gal 3:13 (Dt 21:23).
    ⓑ w. acc.
    α. specifying direction (En 24:2 ἐ. νότον ‘southward’ of position of the mountain) of motion that takes a particular direction, to, toward ἐκτείνας τ. χεῖρα ἐ. τοὺς μαθητάς Mt 12:49; cp. Lk 22:53 (JosAs 12:8). πορεύεσθαι ἐ. τὸ ἀπολωλός go after the one that is lost 15:4. ἐ. τὴν ῏Ασσον in the direction of Assos Ac 20:13. ἐπιστρέφειν ἐ. τι turn to someth. 2 Pt 2:22 (cp. Pr 26:11; En 99:5). ὡς ἐ. λῃστήν as if against a robber Mt 26:55; Mk 14:48; Lk 22:52.
    β. from one point to another across, over w. motion implied (Hom.+; LXX) περιπατεῖν, ἐλθεῖν ἐ. τ. θάλασσαν or ἐ. τ. ὕδατα Mt 14:25, 28f; J 6:19 P75. Of spreading across the land (PsSol 17:10): famine Ac 7:11; 11:28; darkness Mt 27:45; Lk 23:44. ἐ. σταδίους δώδεκα χιλιάδων across twelve thousand stades Rv 21:16 v.l. (Polyaenus 5, 44, 4 ἐ. στάδια δέκα); ἐ. πλεῖον further (1 Esdr 2:24; 2 Macc 10:27) Ac 4:17.
    γ. of goal attained (Hom. et al.; LXX) on, upon someone or someth. πέσατε ἐφʼ ἡμᾶς Lk 23:30 (Hos 10:8). ἔπεσεν ἐ. τὰ πετρώδη Mt 13:5; cp. Lk 13:4. ἔρχεσθαι ἐ. τινα come upon someone Mt 3:16; also καταβαίνειν fr. above J 1:33; cp. Rv 16:21. ἀναβαίνειν (Jos., Ant. 13, 138; Just., A II, 12, 7) Lk 5:19. ἐπιβαίνειν Mt 21:5 (Zech 9:9).—Ac 2:3; 9:4 al.; διασωθῆναι ἐ. τ. γῆν be brought safely to the land 27:44; cp. vs. 43; Lk 8:27. ἐ. τὸ πλοῖον to the ship Ac 20:13. ἀναπεσεῖν ἐ. τὴν γῆν lie down or sit down on the ground Mt 15:35. ἔρριψεν αὐτὸν χαμαὶ ἐ. τὸν σάκκον he threw himself down on the sackcloth GJs 13:1. τιθέναι τι ἐ. τι put someth. on someth. (JosAs 16:11) Mt 5:15; Lk 11:33; Mk 8:25 v.l.; likew. ἐπιτιθέναι (JosAs 29:5) Mt 23:4; Mk 8:25; Lk 15:5; J 9:6, 15; Ac 15:10. ἐπιβάλλειν τ. χεῖρας ἐ. τινα (Gen 22:12 al.) Mt 26:50; Lk 21:12; Ac 5:18. Mainly after verbs of placing, laying, putting, bringing, etc. on, to: ἀναβιβάζω, ἀναφέρω, βάλλω, γράφω, δίδωμι, ἐγγίζω, ἐπιβιβάζω, ἐπιγράφω, ἐποικοδομέω, ἐπιρ(ρ)ίπτω, θεμελιόω, ἵστημι, κατάγω, οἰκοδομέω, σωρεύω; s. these entries. Sim. βρέχειν ἐ. τινα cause rain to fall upon someone Mt 5:45 (cp. PsSol 17:18); also τ. ἥλιον ἀνατέλλειν ἐ. τινα cause the sun to rise so that its rays fall upon someone *ibid. τύπτειν τινὰ ἐ. τὴν σιαγόνα strike on the cheek Lk 6:29. πίπτειν ἐ. (τὸ) πρόσωπον (Jdth 14:6) on the face Mt 17:6; 26:39; Lk 5:12; 17:16; 1 Cor 14:25; Rv 7:11.—To, upon w. acc. of thing πορεύεσθαι ἐ. τὴν ὁδόν go to the road Ac 8:26; cp. 9:11. ἐ. τὰς διεξόδους Mt 22:9. ἵνα μὴ πνέῃ ἄνεμος ἐ. πᾶν δένδρον so that no wind should blow upon any tree Rv 7:1.
    δ. of closeness to someth. or someone to, up to, in the neighborhood of, on ἐ. τὸ μνημεῖον up to the tomb Mk 16:2; Lk 24:1 v.l., 22, 24; cp. ἐ. τὸ μνῆμα Mk 16:2 v.l.; Lk 24:1. ἔρχεσθαι ἐ. τι ὕδωρ come to some water Ac 8:36. ἐ. τὴν πύλην τὴν σιδηρᾶν to the iron gate 12:10. καταβαίνειν ἐ. τὴν θάλασσαν go down to the sea J 6:16. ἐ. τὸν Ἰορδάνην Mt 3:13 (Just., D. 88, 3 al.). ἀναπίπτειν ἐ. τὸ στῆθος he leaned back on (Jesus’) breast J 13:25; 21:20. πίπτειν ἐ. τοὺς πόδας fall at (someone’s) feet Ac 10:25 (JosAs 14:10 ἔπεσεν ἐ πρόσωπον ἐ. τοὺς πόδας αὐτοῦ). ἐ. τ. ἀκάνθας among the thorns Mt 13:7.—W. acc. of pers. to someone ἐ. τὸν Ἰησοῦν ἐλθόντες they came to Jesus J 19:33; cp. Mt 27:27; Mk 5:21.
    ε. in imagery of goal or objective to, toward (Just., A II, 7, 6 ἐπʼ ἀμφότερα τρέπεσθαι) ἐπιστρέφειν, ἐπιστρέφεσθαι ἐ. τινα turn to (Dt 30:10; 31:20 al.; Ar. 2, 1 ἔλθωμεν καὶ ἐ. τὸ ἀνθρώπινον γένος ‘let us now turn to …’; Just., D. 56, 11 ἐ. τὰς γραφὰς ἐπανελθών) Lk 1:17; Ac 9:35; 11:21; 14:15; 26:20; Gal 4:9; 1 Pt 2:25.
    ⑤ marker of manner, corresponding to an adv., w. dat. (Aeschyl., Suppl. 628 ἐπʼ ἀληθείᾳ; UPZ 162 VI, 3 [117 B.C.] κακοτρόπως καὶ ἐ. ῥαδιουργίᾳ; POxy 237 VI, 21 ἐ. τῇ τῶν ἀνθρ. σωτηρίᾳ; ἐφʼ ὁράσει En 14:8; Just., A I, 9, 3 ἐφʼ ὕβρει; 55, 7 ἐ. τούτῳ τῷ σχήματι ‘in this form’; Tat. 17, 1 ἐπʼ ἀκριβείᾳ; Ath. 33, 2 ἐφʼ ἑνὶ γάμῳ) ὁ σπείρων ἐπʼ εὐλογίαις (in contrast to ὁ σπείρων φειδομένως one who sows sparingly) one who sows in blessing (i.e. generously) 2 Cor 9:6. ἐπʼ εὐλογίαις θερίζειν reap generously ibid.
    ⑥ marker of basis for a state of being, action, or result, on, w. dat. (Hom. et al.)
    ⓐ ἐπʼ ἄρτῳ ζῆν live on bread Mt 4:4; Lk 4:4 (both Dt 8:3. cp. Ps.-Pla., Alcib. 1, 105c; Plut., Mor. 526d; Alciphron 3, 7, 5; SibOr 4, 154). ἐ. τῷ ῥήματί σου depending on your word Lk 5:5. οὐ συνῆκαν ἐ. τοῖς ἄρτοις they did not arrive at an understanding (of it) (by reflecting) on (the miracle of) the loaves Mk 6:52 (cp. Demosth. 18, 121 τί σαυτὸν οὐκ ἐλλεβορίζεις ἐ. τούτοις [sc. λόγοις];=why do you not come to an understanding concerning these words?). ἐ. τῇ πίστει on the basis of faith Ac 3:16; Phil 3:9. ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι on the basis of hope, supporting itself on hope Ac 2:26 (? s. ἐλπίς 1bα); Ro 4:18; 8:20; 1 Cor 9:10; Tit 1:2.—Ac 26:6 ἐπʼ ἐλπίδι gives the basis of the trial at law, as does ἐ. εὐεργεσίᾳ 4:9. ἀπολύειν τ. γυναῖκα ἐ. πορνείᾳ Mt 19:9 (cp. Dio Chrys. 26 [43], 10 ἀπολύειν ἐπʼ ἀργυρίῳ; Ath. 2, 3 κρίνεσθαι … μὴ ἐ. τῷ ὀνόματι, ἐ. δὲ τῷ ἀδικήματι). γυναικὸς ἐ. πόλλαις ἁμαρτίαις διαβληθείσης Papias (2:17). On the basis of the testimony of two witnesses (cp. Appian, Iber. 79 §343 ἤλεγχον ἐ. μάρτυσι) Hb 10:28 (Dt 17:6); sim. use of ἐ. τινί on the basis of someth.: 8:6; 9:10, 15 (here it may also be taken in the temporal sense; s. 18 below), 17. ἁμαρτάνειν ἐ. τῷ ὁμοιώματι τ. παραβάσεως Ἀδάμ Ro 5:14 (ὁμοίωμα 1). δαπανᾶν ἐ. τινι pay the expenses for someone Ac 21:24. ἀρκεῖσθαι ἐ. τινι be content w. someth. 3J 10.
    ⓑ w. verbs of believing, hoping, trusting: πεποιθέναι (Wsd 3:9; Sus 35; 1 Macc 10:71; 2 Macc 7:40 and oft.) Lk 11:22; 18:9; 2 Cor 1:9; Hb 2:13 (2 Km 22:3). πιστεύειν Lk 24:25; Ro 9:33; 10:11; 1 Pt 2:6 (the last three Is 28:16). ἐλπίζειν (2 Macc 2:18; Sir 34:7) Ro 15:12 (Is 11:10); 1 Ti 4:10; 6:17; cp. 1J 3:3. παρρησιάζεσθαι Ac 14:3.
    ⓒ after verbs which express feelings, opinions, etc.: at, because of, from, with (Hom. et al.) διαταράσσεσθαι Lk 1:29. ἐκθαυμάζειν Mk 12:17. ἐκπλήσσεσθαι Mt 7:28; Mk 1:22; Lk 4:32; Ac 13:12. ἐξίστασθαι (Jdth 11:16; Wsd 5:2 al.) Lk 2:47. ἐπαισχύνεσθαι (Is 1:29) Ro 6:21. εὐφραίνεσθαι (Sir 16:1; 18:32; 1 Macc 11:44) Rv 18:20. θαμβεῖσθαι Mk 10:24; cp. Lk 5:9; Ac 3:10. θαυμάζειν (Lev 26:32; Jdth 10:7 al.; Jos., Ant. 10, 277) Mk 12:17 v.l. μακροθυμεῖν (Sir 18:11; 29:8; 35:19) Mt 18:26, 29; Lk 18:7; Js 5:7. μετανοεῖν (Plut., Ag. 803 [19, 5]; Ps.-Lucian, Salt. 84; Prayer of Manasseh [=Odes 12] 7; Just., A I, 61, 10; D. 95, 3 al.) 2 Cor 12:21. ὀδυνᾶσθαι (cp. Tob 6:15) Ac 20:38. ὀργίζεσθαι Rv 12:17. σπλαγχνίζεσθαι Mt 14:14; Lk 7:13. συλλυπεῖσθαι Mk 3:5. στυγνάζειν 10:22. χαίρειν (PEleph 13, 3; Jos., Ant. 1, 294; Tob 13:15; Bar 4:33; JosAs 4:2; Ar. 15, 7) Mt 18:13; Lk 1:14; 13:17; Ro 16:19 al. χαρὰν καὶ παράκλησιν ἔχειν Phlm 7. χαρὰ ἔσται Lk 15:7; cp. vs. 10 (Jos., Ant. 6, 116 ἡ ἐ. τῇ νίκῃ χαρά). Also w. verbs that denote aroused feelings παραζηλοῦν and παροργίζειν make jealous and angry at Ro 10:19 (Dt 32:21). παρακαλεῖν 1 Th 3:7a (cp. Just., D. 78:8 παράκλησιν ἐχουσῶν ἐ.), as well as those verbs that denote an expression of the emotions ἀγαλλιᾶσθαι (cp. Tob 13:15; Ps 69:5) Lk 1:47; Hs 8, 1, 18; 9, 24, 2. καυχᾶσθαι (Diod S 16, 70; Sir 30:2) Ro 5:2. κοπετὸν ποιεῖν (cp. 3 Macc 4:3) Ac 8:2. ὀλολύζειν Js 5:1. αἰνεῖν (cp. X., An. 3, 1, 45 al.) Lk 2:20. δοξάζειν (Polyb. 6, 53, 10; cp. Diod S 17, 21, 4 δόξα ἐ. ἀνδρείᾳ=fame because of bravery) Ac 4:21; 2 Cor 9:13. εὐχαριστεῖν give thanks for someth. (s. εὐχαριστέω 2; UPZ 59, 10 [168 B.C.] ἐ. τῷ ἐρρῶσθαί σε τ. θεοῖς εὐχαρίστουν) 1 Cor 1:4; cp. 2 Cor 9:15; 1 Th 3:9.—ἐφʼ ᾧ = ἐπὶ τούτῳ ὅτι for this reason that, because (Diod S 19, 98; Appian, Bell. Civ. 1, 112 §520; Ael. Aristid. 53 p. 640 D.; Synes., Ep. 73 p. 221c; Damasc., Vi. Isid. 154; Syntipas p. 12, 9; 127, 8; Thomas Mag. ἐφʼ ᾧ ἀντὶ τοῦ διότι; cp. W-S. §24, 5b and 12f. S. WKümmel, D. Bild des Menschen im NT ’48, 36–40) Ro 5:12 (SLyonnet, Biblica 36, ’55, 436–56 [denies a causal sense here]. On the probability of commercial idiom s. FDanker, FGingrich Festschr. ’72, 104f, also Ro 5:12, Sin under Law: NTS 14, ’68, 424–39; against him SPorter, TynBull 41, ’90, 3–30, also NTS 39, ’93, 321–33; difft. JFitzmyer, Anchor Bible Comm.: Romans, ad loc. ‘w. the result that all have sinned’); 2 Cor 5:4; Phil 3:12; for, indeed 4:10.
    ⑦ marker of addition to what is already in existence, to, in addition to. W. dat. (Hom. et al.; PEleph 5, 17 [284/283 B.C.] μηνὸς Τῦβι τρίτῃ ἐπʼ εἰκάδι; Tob 2:14; Sir 3:27; 5:5) προσέθηκεν τοῦτο ἐ. πᾶσιν he added this to everything else Lk 3:20 (cp. Lucian, Luct. [On Funerals], 24). ἐ. τ. παρακλήσει ἡμῶν in addition to our comfort 2 Cor 7:13. λύπη ἐ. λύπῃ grief upon grief Phil 2:27 v.l. (cp. Soph., Oed. C. 544, also Polyb. 1, 57, 1 πληγὴ ἐ. πληγῇ; Plut., Mor. 123f; Polyaenus 5, 52 ἐ. φόνῳ φόνον; Quint. Smyrn. 5, 602 ἐ. πένθει πένθος=sorrow upon sorrow; Sir 26:15). ἐ. τῇ σῇ εὐχαριστίᾳ to your prayer of thanks 1 Cor 14:16. So perh. also Hb 8:1. ἐ. πᾶσι τούτοις to all these Col 3:14; Lk 16:26 v.l. (X., Mem. 1, 2, 25 al.; Sir 37:15; cp. 1 Macc 10:42; Just., D. 133, 1 ἐ. τούτοις πᾶσι).—W. acc.: addition to someth. of the same kind Mt 6:27; Lk 12:25; Rv 22:18a. λύπην ἐ. λύπην sorrow upon sorrow Phil 2:27 (cp. Is 28:10, 13; Ezk 7:26; Ps 68:28).
    ⑧ marker of perspective, in consideration of, in regard to, on the basis of, concerning, about, w. gen. (Antig. Car. 164 ἐ. τῶν οἴνων ἀλλοιοῦσθαι; 4 Macc. 2:9 ἐ. τῶν ἑτέρων … ἔστιν ἐπιγνῶναι τοῦτο, ὅτι …; Ath. 29, 2 τὰ ἐ. τῆς μανίας πάθη) ἐ. δύο ἢ τριῶν μαρτύρων on the evidence of two or three witnesses 1 Ti 5:19 (cp. TestAbr A 13 p. 92, 22ff. [Stone p. 32]). Sim. in the expr. ἐ. στόματος δύο μαρτύρων (Dt 19:15) Mt 18:16; 2 Cor 13:1. ἐπʼ αὐτῆς on the basis of it Hb 7:11. ἐπʼ ἀληθείας based on truth = in accordance w. truth, truly (Demosth. 18, 17 ἐπʼ ἀληθείας οὐδεμιᾶς εἰρημένα; POxy 255, 16 [48 A.D.]; Da 2:8; Tob 8:7; En 104:11) Mk 12:14, 32; Lk 4:25; 20:21; Ac 4:27. ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ based on himself = to or by himself (X., An. 2, 4, 10; Demosth. 18, 224 ἐκρίνετο ἐφʼ ἑαυτοῦ; Dionys. Hal., Comp. Verb. 16 ἐ. σεαυτοῦ. Cp. Kühner-G. I 498e) 2 Cor 10:7.—To introduce the object which is to be discussed or acted upon λέγειν ἐ. τινος speak of, about someth. (Pla., Charm., 155d, Leg. 2, 662d; Isocr. 6, 41; Aelian, VH 1, 30; Jer 35:8; EpArist 162; 170; Ath. 5:1 ἐ. τοῦ νοητοῦ … δογματίζειν) Gal 3:16. Do someth. on, in the case of (cp. 1 Esdr 1:22) σημεῖα ποιεῖν ἐ. τῶν ἀσθενούντων work miracles on the sick J 6:2.—On B 13:6 s. τίθημι 1bζ.—In ref. to someth. (Aristot., Pol. 1280a, 17; 4 Macc 12:5 τῶν ἐ. τῆς βασιλείας … πραγμάτων; Just., A I, 5, 1 ἐφʼ ἡμῶν ‘in our case’, D. 131, 4; Ath. 15, 3 ἐ. τῆς ὕλης καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ ‘as respects God and matter, so …’) ἐ. τινων δεῖ ἐγκρατεύεσθαι in certain matters one must practice self-control Hm 8:1. οὔτε … οἴδασι τὸν ἐ. τοῦ πυροῦ σπόρον nor do they comprehend (the figurative sense of) the sowing of wheat AcPlCor 2:26 (cp. 1 Cor 15:36f).
    ⑨ marker of power, authority, control of or over someone or someth., over
    ⓐ w. gen. (Hdt. 5, 109 al.; Mitt-Wilck. I/1, 124, 1=BGU 1120, 1 [5 B.C.] πρωτάρχῳ ἐ. τοῦ κριτηρίου; 287, 1; LXX; AscIs 2:5 τοῦ ἐ. τῶν πραγματε[ι] ῶν=Denis p. 109) βασιλεύειν ἐ. τινος (Judg 9:8, 10; 1 Km 8:7) Rv 5:10. ἔχειν βασιλείαν ἐ. τῶν βασιλέων 17:18. ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν ἐ. τινος have power over someone 20:6. διδόναι ἐξουσίαν ἐ. τινος 2:26. καθιστάναι τινὰ ἐ. τινος set someone over, put someone in charge, of someth. or someone (Pla., Rep. 5, 460b; Demosth. 18, 118; Gen 39:4f; 1 Macc 6:14; 10:37; 2 Macc 12:20 al.; EpArist 281; τεταγμένος En 20:5) Mt 24:45; Lk 12:42; Ac 6:3. εἶναι ἐ. τινος (Synes., Ep. 79 p. 224d; Tob 1:22; Jdth 14:13; 1 Macc 10:69) ὸ̔ς ἦν ἐ. πάσης τῆς γάζης αὐτῆς who was in charge of all her treasure 8:27. Of God ὁ ὢν ἐ. πάντων (Apollonius of Tyana [I A.D.] in Eus., PE 4, 13) Ro 9:5; cp. Eph 4:6. ὁ ἐ. τινος w. ὤν to be supplied (Demosth. 18, 247 al.; Diod S 13, 47, 6; Plut., Pyrrh. 385 [5, 7], Aemil. Paul. 267 [23, 6]; PTebt 5, 88 [118 B.C.] ὁ ἐ. τ. προσόδων; 1 Macc 6:28; 2 Macc 3:7; 3 Macc 6:30 al.; EpArist 110; 174) ὁ ἐ. τοῦ κοιτῶνος the chamberlain Ac 12:20.
    ⓑ w dat. (X., Cyr. 1, 2, 5; 2, 4, 25 al., An. 4, 1, 13; Demosth. 19, 113; Aeschines 2, 73; Esth 8:12e; Just., A II, 5, 2 ἀγγέλοις οὓς ἐ. τούτοις ἔταξε; cp. Ath. 24, 3; Ath. 6, 4 τὸν ἐ. τῇ κινήσει τοῦ σώματος λόγον) Mt 24:47; Lk 12:44.
    ⓒ w. acc. (X., Hell. 3, 4, 20 al.; Dionys. Byz. §56 θεῷ ἐ. πάντα δύναμις; LXX; PsSol 17:3, 32) βασιλεύειν ἐ. τινα rule over someone (Gen 37:8; Judg 9:15 B al.) Lk 1:33; 19:14, 27; Ro 5:14. καθιστάναι τινὰ ἐ. τινα set someone over someone (X., Cyr. 4, 5, 58) κριτὴν ἐφʼ ὑμᾶς as judge over you Lk 12:14; ἡγούμενον ἐπʼ Αἴγυπτον Ac 7:10; cp. Hb 2:7 v.l. (Ps 8:7); 3:6; 10:21. ἐξουσίαν ἔχειν ἐ. τι Rv 16:9. ἐξουσίαν διδόναι ἐ. τι (Sir 33:20) Lk 9:1; 10:19; Rv 6:8; cp. 22:14. φυλάσσειν φυλακὰς ἐ. τι Lk 2:8 (cp. En 100:5). ὑπεραίρεσθαι ἐ. τινα exalt oneself above someone 2 Th 2:4 (cp. Da 11:36); but here the mng. against is also poss. (s. 12b below). πιστὸς ἐ. τι faithful over someth. Mt 25:21, 23.
    ⑩ marker of legal proceeding, before, w. acc. in the lang. of the law-courts ἐ. ἡγεμόνας καὶ βασιλεῖς ἄγεσθαι be brought before governors and kings Mt 10:18; cp. Lk 21:12 (cp. BGU 22, 36 [114 A.D.] ἀξιῶ ἀκθῆναι [=ἀχθῆναι] τ. ἐνκαλουμένους ἐ. σὲ πρὸς δέουσαν ἐπέξοδον; Just., A II, 2, 12 ἐ. Οὔρβικον). ὑπάγεις ἐπʼ ἄρχοντα you are going before the magistrate Lk 12:58; cp. Ac 16:19. ἤγαγον αὐτὸν ἐ. τὸν Πιλᾶτον Lk 23:1. ἐ. τοὺς ἀρχιερεῖς Ac 9:21. ἐ. Καίσαρα πορεύεσθαι come before the emperor 25:12. ἐ. τὰς συναγωγάς Lk 12:11. ἐ. τὸ βῆμα Ac 18:12. Cp. 3 above. Here the focus is on transfer to the judiciary.
    ⑪ marker of purpose, goal, result, to, for, w. acc. (Demetr.: 722 Fgm. 2, 3 Jac. ἐ. κατοικίαν) ἐ. τὸ βάπτισμα for baptism=to have themselves baptized Mt 3:7 (cp. Just., A I, 61, 10 ἐ. τὸ λουτρόν; D. 56, 1 ἐ. τὴν … κρίσιν πεμφθεῖσι). ἐ. τὴν θεωρίαν ταύτην for (i.e. to see) this sight Lk 23:48 (sim. Hom. et al.; POxy 294, 18 [22 A.D.]; LXX; Tat. 23, 2 ἐ. τὴν θέαν). ἐ. τὸ συμφέρον to (our) advantage Hb 12:10 (cp. Tat. 6, 1; 34, 2 οὐκ ἐ. τι χρήσιμον ‘to no purpose’). ἐ. σφαγήν Ac 8:32 (Is 53:7); cp. Mt 22:5; ἐ. τ. τελειότητα Hb 6:1. ἐ. τοῦτο for this (X., An. 2, 5, 22; Jos., Ant. 12, 23) Lk 4:43. ἐφʼ ὅ; for what (reason)? Mt 26:50 v.l. (s. ὅς 1bα and 1iβ). Cp. 16.
    ⑫ marker of hostile opposition, against
    ⓐ w. dat. (Hom. et al.; 2 Macc 13:19; Sir 28:23 v.l.; fig. Ath. 22, 7 τοὺς ἐπʼ αὐτοῖς λόγους ‘counter-evidence’) Lk 12:52f (s. use of acc. b below); Ac 11:19. Cp. J 8:7 v.l. (1bβ above).
    ⓑ w. acc. (Hdt. 1, 71; X., Hell. 3, 4, 20 al.; Jos., Ant. 13, 331; LXX; En; TestJud 3:1 al.; JosAs 19:2; Just., D. 103, 7; Tat. 36, 2) ὥρμησαν ἐ. αὐτόν Ac 7:57. ἔρχεσθαι Lk 14:31. ἐπαναστήσονται τέκνα ἐ. γονεῖς Mt 10:21; Mk 13:12; cp. ἔθνος ἐ. ἔθνος Mt 24:7; Mk 13:8. ἐφʼ ἑαυτόν divided against himself Mt 12:26; Mk 3:24f, 26; Lk 11:17f; cp. J 13:18 (s. Ps 40:10); Ac 4:27; 13:50 al.—Lk 12:53 (4 times; the first and third occurrences w. the acc. are prob. influenced by usage in Mic 7:6; the use of the dat. Lk 12:52f [s. a above] w. a verb expressing a circumstance is in accord with older Gk. [Il. et al.], which prefers the acc. with verbs of motion in ref. to hostility). Cp. 15.
    ⑬ marker of number or measure, w. acc. (Hdt. et. al.; LXX; GrBar 3:6) ἐ. τρίς (CIG 1122, 9; PHolm α18) three times Ac 10:16; 11:10. So also ἐ. πολύ more than once Hm 4, 1, 8. ἐ. πολύ (also written ἐπιπολύ) in a different sense to a great extent, carefully (Hdt., Thu. et al.; Lucian, D. Deor. 6, 2; 25, 2; 3 Macc 5:17; Jos., Ant. 17, 107) B 4:1. ἐ. πλεῖον to a greater extent, further (Hdt., Thu. et al.; Diod S 11, 60, 5 al.; prob. 2 Macc 12:36; TestGad 7:2; Ar. 4, 3; Ath. 7, 1 ἐ. το πλεῖστον) 2 Ti 3:9; 1 Cl 18:3 (Ps 50:4). ἐ. τὸ χεῖρον 2 Ti 3:13. ἐφʼ ὅσον to the degree that, in so far as (Diod S 1, 93, 2; Maximus Tyr. 11, 3c ἐφʼ ὅσον δύναται; Hierocles 14 p. 451) Mt 25:40, 45; B 4:11; 17:1; Ro 11:13.
    ⑭ marker indicating the one to whom, for whom, or about whom someth. is done, to, on, about
    ⓐ w. dat. πράσσειν τι ἐ. τινι do someth. to someone Ac 5:35 (thus Appian, Bell. Civ. 3, 15 §51; cp. δρᾶν τι ἐ. τινι Hdt. 3, 14; Aelian, NA 11, 11); about γεγραμμένα ἐπʼ αὐτῷ J 12:16 (cp. Hdt. 1, 66). προφητεύειν ἐ. τινι Rv 10:11. μαρτυρεῖν bear witness about Hb 11:4; Rv 22:16. ἐ. σοὶ … φανερώσει κύριος τὸ λύτρον the Lord will reveal the salvation to you GJs 7:2.
    ⓑ w. acc.
    α. ὁ ἄνθρωπος ἐφʼ ὸ̔ν γεγόνει τὸ σημεῖον the man on whom the miracle had been performed Ac 4:22 (cp. Just., D. 128, 1 κρίσεως γεγενημένης ἐ. Σόδομα). ἐφʼ ὸ̔ν λέγεται ταῦτα the one about whom this was said Hb 7:13 (cp. ἐ. πόρρω οὖσαν [γενεὰν] ἐγὼ λαλῶ En 1:2). γέγραπται ἐπʼ αὐτόν Mk 9:12f; cp. Ro 4:9; 1 Ti 1:18; βάλλειν κλῆρον ἐ. τι for someth. Mk 15:24; J 19:24 (Ps 21:19). ἀνέβη ὁ κλῆρος ἐ. Συμεών the lot came up in favor of Simeon GJs 24:4.
    β. of powers, conditions, etc., which come upon someone or under whose influence someone is: on, upon, to, over ἐγένετο ῥῆμα θεοῦ ἐ. Ἰωάννην the word of God came to John Lk 3:2 (cp. Jer 1:1). Of divine blessings (cp. En 1:8; ParJer 5:28) Mt 10:13; 12:28; Lk 10:6; 11:20; cp. 10:9; Ac 10:10. ἵνα ἐπισκηνώσῃ ἐπʼ ἐμὲ ἡ δύναμις τ. Χριστοῦ that the power of Christ may rest upon me 2 Cor 12:9. χάρις θεοῦ ἦν ἐπʼ αὐτό Lk 2:40. Various verbs are used in ref. to the Holy Spirit, either in pass. or act. role, in connection w. ἐ. τινα: ἐκχεῖν Ac 2:17f (Jo 3:1f); cp. 10:45; Tit 3:6. ἀποστέλλειν (ἐξαποστέλλειν v.l.) Lk 24:49. ἐπέρχεσθαι 1:35; Ac 1:8 (Just., D. 87, 3; cp. ἔρχεσθαι A I, 33, 6; D. 49, 7 ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἠλίου ἐ. τὸν Ἰωάννην ἐλθεῖν). ἐπιπίπτειν 10:44. καταβαίνειν Lk 3:22; J 1:33. τίθεσθαι Mt 12:18 (cp. Is 42:1). Also εἶναι Lk 2:25. μένειν J 1:32f. ἀναπαύεσθαι 1 Pt 4:14. Of unpleasant or startling experiences Lk 1:12, 65; 4:36; Ac 13:11; 19:17; Rv 11:11.—Lk 19:43; 21:35, cp. vs. 34; J 18:4; Eph 5:6; cp. Rv 3:3.—Ro 2:2, 9; 15:3 (Ps 68:10). Of the blood of the righteous, that comes over or upon the murderers Mt 23:35; 27:25; Ac 5:28. Of care, which one casts on someone else 1 Pt 5:7 (Ps 54:23).
    ⑮ marker of feelings directed toward someone, in, on, for, toward, w. acc., after words that express belief, trust, hope: πιστεύειν ἐ. τινα, w. acc. (Wsd 12:2; Just., D. 16:4 al.) Ac 9:42; 11:17; 16:31; 22:19; Ro 4:24. πίστις Hb 6:1. πεποιθέναι (Is 58:14) Mt 27:43; 2 Th 3:4; 2 Cor 2:3. ἐλπίζειν (1 Ch 5:20; 2 Ch 13:18 al.; PsSol 9:10; 17:3; Just., D. 16:4 al.) 1 Pt 1:13; 1 Ti 5:5. After words that characterize an emotion or its expression: for κόπτεσθαι (Zech 12:10) Rv 1:7; 18:9. κλαίειν Lk 23:28; Rv 18:9 (cp. JosAs 15:9 χαρήσεται ἐ. σέ). σπλαγχνίζεσθαι Mt 15:32; Mk 8:2; 9:22; Hm 4, 3, 5; Hs 9, 24, 2. χρηστός toward Lk 6:35. χρηστότης Ro 11:22; Eph 2:7; cp. Ro 9:23. Esp. also if the feelings or their expressions are of a hostile nature: toward, against (cp. λοιδορεῖν Just., D. 137, 2) ἀποτομία Ro 11:22. μαρτύριον Lk 9:5. μάρτυς ἐ. τ. ἐμὴν ψυχήν a witness against my soul (cp. Dssm., LO 258; 355 [LAE 304; 417]) 2 Cor 1:23. ἀσχημονεῖν 1 Cor 7:36. μοιχᾶσθαι Mk 10:11. τολμᾶν 2 Cor 10:2 (En 7:4). βρύχειν τ. ὀδόντας Ac 7:54. Cp. 12.
    ⑯ marker of object or purpose, with dat. in ref. to someth. (Hom., Thu. et al.; SIG 888, 5 ἐ. τῇ τῶν ἀνθρ. σωτηρίᾳ; PTebt 44, 6 [114 B.C.] ὄντος μου ἐ. θεραπείᾳ ἐν τῷ Ἰσιείω; LXX; TestJob 3:5 ὁ ἐ. τῇ σωτηρίᾳ τῆς ἐμῆς ψυχῆς ἐλθών; Jos., Ant. 5, 101; Just., A I, 29, 1 ἐ. παίδων ἀναστροφῇ; D. 91, 4 ἐ. σωτηρίᾳ τῶν πιστευόντων) καλείν τινα ἐ. τινι call someone for someth. Gal 5:13 (on ἐπʼ ἐλευθερίᾳ cp. Demosth. 23, 124; [59], 32); ἐ. ἀκαθαρσίᾳ for impurity, i.e. so that we should be impure 1 Th 4:7. κτισθέντες ἐ. ἔργοις ἀγαθοῖς for good deeds Eph 2:10. λογομαχεῖν ἐ. καταστροφῇ τῶν ἀκουόντων for the ruin of those who hear 2 Ti 2:14 (cp. Eur., Hipp. 511; X., Mem. 2, 3, 19 ἐ. βλάβη; Hdt. 1, 68 ἐ. κακῷ ἀνθρώπου; Polyb. 27, 7, 13 and PGM 4, 2440 ἐπʼ ἀγαθῷ=‘for good’). Cp. 11.
    ⑰ marker in idiom of authorization, w. dat.: the formula ἐ. τῷ ὀνοματί τινος, in the name of someone, used w. many verbs (Just., D. 39, 6 w. γίνεσθαι, otherw. ἐ. ὀνόματος, e.g. A I, 61, 13; w. διὰ τοῦ ὀ. and in oaths κατὰ τοῦ ὀ. A II, 6, 6, D. 30, 3; 85, 2.—Ath. 23, 1 ἐ. ὀνόματι εἰδώλων.—ἐν τῷ ὀνόματι LXX; JosAs 9:1), focuses on the authorizing function of the one named in the gen. (cp. WHeitmüller [‘Im Namen Jesu’ 1903, 13ff], ‘in connection with, or by the use of, i.e. naming, or calling out, or calling upon the name’ [88]): βαπτίζειν Ac 2:38. δέχεσθαί τινα Mt 18:5; Mk 9:37; Lk 9:48. διδάσκειν Ac 4:18; 5:28. δύναμιν ποιεῖν Mk 9:39. ἐκβάλλειν δαιμόνια Lk 9:49 v.l. ἔρχεσθαι Mt 24:5; Mk 13:6; Lk 21:8. κηρύσσειν 24:47. λαλεῖν Ac 4:17; 5:40. Semantically divergent from the preceding, but formulaically analogous, is καλεῖν τινα ἐ. τῷ ὀν. τινος name someone after someone (2 Esdr 17:63) Lk 1:59.—ὄνομα 1dγג.—M-M.
    ⑱ marker of temporal associations, in the time of, at, on, for
    ⓐ w. gen., time within which an event or condition takes place (Hom.+) in the time of, under (kings or other rulers): in the time of Elisha Lk 4:27 (cp. Just., D. 46, 6 ἐ. Ἠλίου). ἐ. τῆς μετοικεσίας at the time of the exile Mt 1:11. Under=during the rule or administration of (Hes., Op. 111; Hdt. 6, 98 al.; OGI 90, 15; PAmh 43, 2 [173 B.C.]; UPZ 162 V, 5 [117 B.C.]; 1 Esdr 2:12; 1 Macc 13:42; 2 Macc 15:22; Jos., Ant. 12, 156 ἐ. ἀρχιερέως Ὀ.) ἐ. Ἀβιαθὰρ ἀρχιερέως under, in the time of, Abiathar the high priest Mk 2:26. ἐ. ἀρχιερέως Ἅννα καὶ Καιάφα Lk 3:2. ἐ. Κλαυδίου Ac 11:28 (Just., A I, 26, 2). ἐ. τῶν πατέρων in the time of the fathers 1 Cl 23:3. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτων τῶν ἡμερῶν in the last days (Gen 49:1; Num 24:14; Mi 4:1; Jer 37:24; Da 10:14) 2 Pt 3:3; Hs 9, 12, 3; cp. Hb 1:2. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτου τοῦ χρόνου in the last time Jd 18. ἐπʼ ἐσχάτου τῶν χρόνων at the end of the times/ages 1 Pt 1:20. ἐ. τῶν προσευχῶν μου when I pray, in my prayers (cp. PTebt 58, 31 [111 B.C.] ἐ. τ. διαλόγου, ‘in the discussion’; 4 Macc 15:19 ἐ. τ. βασάνων ‘during the tortures’; Sir 37:29; 3 Macc 5:40; Demetr.: 722, Fgm. 1, 14 Jac. ἐ. τοῦ ἀρίστου; Synes., Ep. 121 p. 258c ἐ. τῶν κοινῶν ἱερῶν) Ro 1:10; Eph 1:16; 1 Th 1:2; Phlm 4.
    ⓑ w. dat., time at or during which (Hom. et al.; PTebt 5, 66 [118 B.C.]; PAmh 157; LXX; Just., A I, 13, 3 ἐ. χρόνοις Τίερίου) at, in, at the time of, during: ἐ. τοῖς νῦν χρόνοις in these present times 2 Cl 19:4. ἐ. τῇ πρώτῃ διαθήκῃ at the time of the first covenant Hb 9:15. ἐ. συντελείᾳ τ. αἰώνων at the close of the age 9:26 (Tat. 13, 1 ἐ. ς. τοῦ κόσμου; cp. Sir 22:10 and PLond III, 954, 18 p. 154 [260 A.D.] ἐ. τέλει τ. χρόνου; POxy 275, 20 [66 A.D.] ἐ. συνκλεισμῷ τ. χρόνου; En 27:3 ἐπʼ ἐσχάτοις αἰώσιν). ἐ. τῇ θυσίᾳ at the time of, together with, the sacrifice Phil 2:17. ἐ. πάσῃ τῇ μνείᾳ ὑμῶν at every remembrance of you Phil 1:3. ἐ. παροργισμῷ ὑμῶν during your wrath, i.e. while you are angry Eph 4:26. ἐ. πάσῃ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ in all (our) distress 1 Th 3:7b. ἐ. πάσῃ τῇ θλίψει 2 Cor 1:4. ἐ. τούτῳ in the meanwhile J 4:27 (Lucian, Dial. Deor. 17, 2, cp. Philops. 14 p. 41; Syntipas p. 76, 2 ἐφʼ ἡμέραις ἑπτα; 74, 6).
    ⓒ w. acc.
    α. answering the question ‘when?’ on: ἐ. τὴν αὔριον (Sb 6011, 14 [I B.C.]; PRyl 441 ἐ. τὴν ἐπαύριον) (on) the next day Lk 10:35; Ac 4:5. ἐ. τὴν ὥραν τ. προσευχῆς at the hour of prayer 3:1 (Polyaenus 8, 17 ἐ. ὥραν ὡρισμένην).
    β. answering the qu. ‘how long?’ for, over a period of (Hom. et al.; Mitt-Wilck. II/2, 170, 8=BGU 1058, 9 [13 B.C.]; POxy 275, 9; 15 ἐ. τὸν ὅλον χρόνον; PTebt 381, 19 ἐφʼ ὸ̔ν χρόνον περίεστιν ἡ μήτηρ; LXX; En 106:15; TestJob 30:2 ἐ. ὥρας τρεῖς; TestJud 3:4; TestGad 5:11; Jos., Ant. 11, 2; Just., D. 142, 1 ἐ. ποσόν ‘for awhile’) ἐ. ἔτη τρία for three years (Phlegon: 257 Fgm. 36, 2, 1 Jac.) Lk 4:25. ἐ. τρεῖς ἡμέρας for three days (Diod S 13, 19, 2; Arrian, Anab. 4, 9, 4; GDI 4706, 119 [Thera] ἐπʼ ἀμέρας τρεῖς) GPt 8:30 al. ἐ. ἡμέρας πλείους over a period of many days (Jos., Ant. 4, 277) Ac 13:31.—16:18 (ἐ. πολλὰς ἡμέρας as Appian, Liby. 29 §124; cp. Diod S 3, 16, 4); 17:2; 19:8, 10, 34; 27:20; Hb 11:30. ἐ. χρόνον for a while (cp. Il. 2, 299; Hdt. 9, 22, 1; Apollon. Rhod. 4, 1257; Jos., Vi. 2) Lk 18:4. ἐ. πλείονα χρόνον (Diod S 3, 16, 6; Hero Alex. I p. 344, 17) Ac 18:20. ἐφʼ ὅσον χρόνον as long as Ro 7:1; 1 Cor 7:39; Gal 4:1. Also ἐφʼ ὅσον as long as Mt 9:15; 2 Pt 1:13 (for other mngs. of ἐφʼ ὅσον s. above under 13). ἐφʼ ἱκανόν (sc. χρόνον) for a considerable time (EpArist 109) Ac 20:11. ἐ. χρόνον ἱκανόν Qua. ἐ. πολύ for a long time, throughout a long period of time (Thu. 1, 7; 1, 18, 1; 2, 16, 1 al.; Appian, Liby. 5 §21; Arrian, Cyneg. 23, 1; Lucian, Toxar. 20; Wsd 18:20; Sir 49:13; JosAs 19:3; Jos., Vi. 66: Just., A I, 65, 3) Ac 28:6. ἐ. πλεῖον the same (schol. on Pind., N. 7, 56b; PLille 3, 16 [III B.C.]; Jdth 13:1; Sir prol. l. 7; Jos., Ant. 18, 150) Ac 20:9; any longer (Lucian, D. Deor. 5, 3; Appian, Hann. 54 §227; 3 Macc 5:8; Wsd 8:12; Ath. 12, 3) Ac 24:4; 1 Cl 55:1.

    Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά παλαιοχριστιανική Λογοτεχνία > ἐπί

  • 4 Soixante-huit

    , or 68
       the milestone year in French life and politics in the second half of the 20th century, when protests by students and workers almost brought down the French government, and led to sweeping changes in French society. The events of 68 were inspired and led by the young generation of the time, wishing to break out of the rather stuffy and conventional society of the time. They coincided with, though initially took a different form to, the 'youth revolution' in Britain and the USA; but while the UK's youth revolution was essentially social and cultural, and led by pop music and op art, France's revolution was political and cultural, a protest against the weight of the Gaullist state.
       The events of May 68 started on the drab concrete campus of the sprawling university of Nanterre in the northern suburbs of Paris, and quickly spread to other universities, notably the Sorbonne. Student leaders, among them DanielCohn- Bendit and Alain Krivine, called for radical change and the end of the 'bourgeois state'; students erected barricades in the Latin Quarter, and were soon joined by workers, notably from the huge Renault plant at Boulogne Billancourt in the Paris suburbs. Though political, the movement sidelined all existing political parties, including the Communists, considered by the new left-wing as being an 'obsolete' political force.
       Faced with turmoil on the streets and a partial collapse of French society, President de Gaulle fled to Germany on 29th May, before returning and promising new elections. But by the time the elections took place, theGrenelle agreements had been negotiated with the trade unions, the heat had died down, and many French people had become seriously alarmed by the turn of events. In the June elections, the Gaullist majority was returned to power with an increased majority.
       The events nevertheless marked the beginning of the end for de Gaulle. In 1969 he organised a referendum on decentralisation, promising to step down if the referendum failed. To a certain extent, de Gaulle's vision of decentralisation was not that wanted by the voters; but in addition, the referendum became seen as a plebiscite on the Gaullist system, rather than on decentralisation. The referendum proposal was rejected by 52.4% of voters, and de Gaulle stepped down.
       It is certain that a new France, less hide-bound, more emancipated and more free, emerged in the aftermath of 68. Whether this would have happened anyway, and whether the means justified the end, are questions about which there is still considerable debate in France to this day.

    Dictionnaire Français-Anglais. Agriculture Biologique > Soixante-huit

  • 5 Delgado, General Humberto

    (1906-1965)
       Pioneer air force advocate and pilot, senior officer who opposed the Estado Novo, and oppositionist candidate in the 1958 presidential elections. One of the young army lieutenants who participated in the 28 May 1926 coup that established the military dictatorship, Delgado was a loyal regime supporter during its early phase (1926-44) and into its middle phase (1944-58). An important advocate of civil aeronautics, as well as being a daring pilot in the army air force and assisting the Allies in the Azores in World War II, Delgado spent an important part of his career after 1943 outside Portugal.
       On missions abroad for the government and armed forces, Delgado came to oppose the dictatorship in the l950s. In 1958, he stood as the oppositionist candidate in the presidential elections, against regime candidate Admiral Américo Tomás. In the cities, Delgado received considerable popular support for his campaign, during which he and the coalition of varied political movements, including the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) and Movement of Democratic Unity, were harassed by the regime police, PIDE. When the managed election results were "tallied," Delgado had won more than 25 percent, including heavy votes in the African colonies; this proved an embarrassment to the regime, which promptly altered electoral law so that universal male suffrage was replaced by a safer electoral college (1959).
       When legal means of opposition were closed to him, Delgado conspired with dissatisfied military officers who promised support but soon abandoned him. The government had him stripped of his job, rank, and career and, in 1959, fearing arrest by the PIDE, Delgado sought political asylum in the embassy of Brazil. Later he fled to South America and organized opposition to the regime, including liaisons and plotting with Henrique Galvão. Delgado traveled to Europe and North Africa to rally Portuguese oppositionists in exile and, in 1961-62, dabbled in coup plots. He had a role in the abortive coup at Beja, in January 1962. Brave to the extent of taking risks against hopeless odds, Delgado dreamed of instigating a popular uprising on his own.
       In 1965, along with his Brazilian secretary, Delgado kept an appointment with destiny on Portugal's Spanish frontier. Neither he nor his companion were seen alive again, and later their bodies were discovered in a shallow grave; investigations since have proved that they were murdered by PIDE agents in a botched kidnapping plot.
       When the true story of what happened to the "Brave General" was revealed in the world press, the opposition's resolve was strengthened and the Estado Novo's image reached a new low. Posthumously, General Delgado has been honored in numerous ways since the Revolution of 25 April 1974.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Delgado, General Humberto

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  • Evangelical Movement of Wales — The Evangelical Movement of Wales was born in the 1940s, it came to light as a counter move by reformed Christians to the liberal theology which was gaining influence in to the protestant denominations of Wales during the 20th century.… …   Wikipedia

  • Obstacles to troop movement — represent either natural, human habitat originated, constructed, concealed obstacles, or obstructive impediments to movement of military troops and their vehicles, or to their visibility. By impeding strategic, operational or tactical manoeuvre,… …   Wikipedia

  • Eye movement in language reading — The study of eye movement in language reading stretches back almost a thousand years. Eye movements during reading were first described by the French ophthalmologist Louis Émile Javal in the late 19th century. He reported that eyes do not move… …   Wikipedia

  • Romanian anti-communist resistance movement — The armed resistance against the communist regime in Romania lasted between 1948 and the early 1960s. Armed resistance was the first and most structured form of resistance against the communist regime. It wasn’t until the overthrow of Nicolae… …   Wikipedia

  • Eye movement in music reading — skills. A central aspect of music reading is the sequence of alternating saccades and fixations, as it is for most oculomotor tasks. Saccades are the rapid ‘flicks’ that move the eyes from location to location over a music score. Saccades are… …   Wikipedia

  • Hearing Voices Movement — is a philosophical trend in how people who hear voices are viewed. It was begun by Marius Romme, a professor of Social psychiatry at the University of Limburg in Maastricht, the Netherlands and Sandra Escher, a science journalist, who began this… …   Wikipedia

  • African-American Civil Rights Movement (1955–1968) — American Civil Rights Movement redirects here. For the earlier period, see African American Civil Rights Movement (1896–1954). Prominent figures of the African American Civil Rights Movement. Clockwise from top left: W. E. B. Du Bois, Malcolm X,… …   Wikipedia

  • Tea Party movement — This article is about the movement. For the protest events themselves, see Tea Party protests. For the U.S. Congressional caucus, see Tea Party Caucus …   Wikipedia

  • Intelligent design movement — Part of a series of articles on Intelligent design …   Wikipedia

  • Indian independence movement — The term Indian independence movement is diffuse, incorporating various national and regional campaigns, agitations and efforts of both Nonviolent and Militant philosophy and involved a wide spectrum of political organizations, philosophies, and… …   Wikipedia

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